God is everywhere but if a woman finds her faith in a temple idol, how can tradition stand in the way of her right to worship?

The Bombay High Court  said the State was duty-bound to prevent gender discrimination on entry to temples.

A Division Bench of Chief Justice D.H. Waghela and Justice M.S. Sonak told the State that it was its fundamental duty to ensure the fundamental right of women was protected. The court said the State must enforce the law and if the government was not sincerely doing it, “we will take some action.”

The court ordered the State, the Home Minister and the Secretary, Home, to implement the provisions of the Maharashtra Hindu Places of Public Worship (Entry Authorisation) Act, 1956, and direct the Superintendents of Police and the Collectors to ensure compliance.

Acting Advocate-General Rohit Deo said: “The State is against gender discrimin-ation. The State will ensure due compliance with and enforcement of the Act…”

The court said this did not translate into the entry of women. The Acting AG, however, clarified that if a temple did not allow any person, irrespective of their gender, inside the sanctum sanctorum, this Act and its provisions would not be of any help.

“However, if a temple allows men in the sanctum sanctorum but prohibits women, this Act and its provisions can be used.”

The court also said the government should give wide publicity to the Act. The court had earlier stated that any temple or person imposing restrictions could face a six-month jail term under a law and asked the government to make a statement whether it was worried about the sanctity of a deity.

The court was hearing a public interest litigation petition filed by senior advocate Nilima Vartak and activist Vidya Balan challenging the prohibition of entry of women into the Shani Shingnapur temple. The petition seeks the entry of women not just into the temple but also into the sanctum sanctorum.

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God is everywhere but if a woman finds her faith in a temple idol, how can tradition stand in the way of her right to worship? This question was posed by the Supreme Court to the Sabarimala authorities on the “class grievance” of women denied entry at the Kerala temple, presided over by a celibate deity.

“Any god or goddess can be worshipped anywhere by anyone. The power is all around us, omniscient. But you have structured god into an idol. Women want to come to your temple and worship him there ... Why don’t you allow them,” Justice Dipak Misra asked on Monday.

The Bench, also comprising Justices V. Gopala Gowda and Kurian Joseph, is hearing a petition filed by the Indian Young Lawyers Association and five women lawyers seeking a direction to allow the entry of women in the Sabarimala Ayyappa temple without age restriction. Women in the age group of 10-50 are not allowed entry.

The ban, Justice Misra observed, is considered “grave” as it endangers gender justice. “There is this tradition, we understand, of not allowing women of a certain age. But what we will decide is whether this tradition, this source of the ban, overrides constitutional provisions... What right do you (temple authorities) have to forbid women from entering any part of the temple? This is a class grievance from women denied their right to worship,” Justice Misra said.

At one point, Justice Misra asked senior advocate K. Parasaran, who is assisting the court, what the “protocol” of greeting would be if “your mother, father, Kul guru and Kul purohit” are sitting in the same room.

“The protocol is to greet the mother first,” Justice Misra himself responded.

The ban was enforced under Rule 3 (b) of the Kerala Hindu Places of Public Worship (Authorisation of Entry) Rules, 1965 (women at such time during which they are not by custom and usage allowed to enter a place of public worship).

"Celibacy is not the exclusive privilege of men. Article 25 of our Constitution says 'throw open' the doors of public religious spaces to all human race. Are you saying that we are not part of the human race?" "Is spirituality solely within the domain of men? Are you saying that women are incapable of attaining spirituality within the domain of religion?

Prohibition Ban on Alcohol

The Nitish Kumar government  declared Bihar a dry State while imposing total prohibition on the sale and consumption of liquor, both country-made and Indian-Made Foreign Liquor, with immediate effect. Earlier, following an excise amendment law, the ban on country-made liquor had become effective across the State from April 1. The government will stick to the 1991 guidelines on the sale and consumption of toddy.

“Seeing the tremendous support from the people, particularly women and children, to the ban on country-made liquor in the State within just days of its prohibition, we decided to put a total ban on alcohol,” Chief Minister Nitish Kumar told reporters here after a Cabinet meeting.

“No new liquor licences will be issued to hotels, bars and clubs,” he said.

However, he said, Army cantonment areas would be exempt as they regulate sale and consumption of alcohol in their own way.

Asked about the fate of the liquor companies and factories in the State after the total ban, Mr. Kumar said they can continue to manufacture “but cannot trade in it within the State.” “They can use digital lock system and GPS monitoring equipment in vehicles transporting the liquor manufactured in Bihar to places outside the State for sale,” he said.

Earlier, the Bihar government had banned sale and consumption of country-made liquor across the State from April 1 with provisions of even death penalty for those involved in trade of hooch. However, IMFL initially planned to be banned in the second phase, was to be sold through 655 liquor outlets opened by Bihar State Beverages Corporation Limited (BSBCL). But, when the BSBCL started opening its outlets and vends even in Patna both men and women came out on the streets in protest.

Earlier, legislators, policemen and employees of the State Secretariat had pledged not to drink liquor and even prevent others from consumption. Parents too had given written pledges in schools that they would not drink alcohol. Bihar will suffer an annual revenue loss of about Rs. 4,000 crore following prohibition.

BJP welcomes decision

Welcoming the decision, senior State BJP leader Sushil Kumar Modi tweeted, “BJP and media compelled Nitish Kumar to declare total prohibition…BJP supports this decision of the government.

When Britons David and Uma Cresswell booked a Christmas holiday in the Indian state of Kerala two years ago, they imagined clean beaches, Ayurvedic massages and the prospect of sipping ice cold martinis and beers while watching traditional bamboo houseboats floating past.

But the resort the couple from Wanstead, east London, visited did not have a licence, so alcohol was officially off the menu.

"The hotel management would sneak warm alcohol into our room with strict orders to only drink it there, which we really did not like doing," said Uma Cresswell. "It really ruined our holiday as you couldn't just walk up to the bar and order drinks."

The Cresswells' experience is set to become the norm in Kerala India's wettest state – where residents drink 8.3 litres of alcohol per person each year, more than twice the national average – is about to go dry.

State leaders are forcing the immediate closure of more than 400 bars, with another 312 losing their licences by March. Retail liquor stores will be phased out gradually.

Only Kerala's 23 five-star hotels will be allowed to serve alcohol in the short term. Meanwhile, the state is expected to lose up to 100,000 jobs.

The end goal, chief minister Oommen Chandy says, is total prohibition by 2024.

"I urge the people of Kerala to wholeheartedly support the phased ban on alcohol," Chandy tweeted earlier this month, adding that "homemakers" were especially happy with the decision.

Kerala has seen an epidemic of alcohol abuse in recent decades. According to theAlcohol and Drug Information Centre of India, 69% of crimes, 40% of road accidents and 80% of divorce and domestic violence cases in Kerala are linked to alcohol and substance abuse.

For decades, Jacob Varghese, 44, of Trivandrum, was one of those statistics. "I had my first drink at an Easter celebration at the age of 10," he said. "By my teenage years, I was binge drinking every few days."

"Eventually, I lost my job and my home. I was severely depressed and had lost all hope."

Varghese has been sober for 14 years and runs Madhumukti, or Freedom from Alcohol, a programme that provides counselling, shelter and meals for addicts throughout the state.

He applauds the government's decision. "I see children even younger than 12 getting addicted," he said. "Some type of control is needed and I personally believe prohibition will help."

But critics argue prohibition has a proven history of failure. "Once the chief minister's dream of 'total prohibition' becomes reality, revenue will instead be directed to the pockets of dangerous criminals and corrupt officials," wrote Avinash Tharoor, contributor to The Prohibition Post, an international website reporting on drug and alcohol policy issues.

India has a long history of flirting with prohibition, originating with the view of the country's founder, Mahatma Gandhi, that alcohol was a social evil.

At present, three Indian states – Lakshadweep, Manipur and Nagaland – impose a total ban on alcohol despite ample evidence of illicit sales of unregulated liquor.

Two states, Gujarat and Mizoram, allow some people to drink some of the time.

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Moneary Policy and Fiscal Policy Paper III Group II Exam APPSC

Monetary policy has lived under many guises. But however it may appear, it generally boils down to adjusting the supply of money in the economy to achieve some combination of inflation and output stabilization.

Twin objectives

The monetary policymaker, then, must balance price and output objectives. Indeed, even central banks,that target only inflation would generally admit that they also pay attention to stabilizing output and keeping the economy near full employment. 

Monetary policy is not the only tool for managing aggregate demand for goods and services. 

Fiscal  policy taxing and spending—is another, and governments have used it extensively during the recent global crisis. However, it typically takes time to legislate tax and spending changes, and once such changes have become law, they are politically difficult to reverse. Add to that concerns that consumers may not respond in the intended way to fiscal stimulus (for example, they may save rather than spend a tax cut), and it is easy to understand why monetary policy is generally viewed as the first line of defense in stabilizing the economy during a downturn. (The exception is in countries with a fixed exchange rate, where monetary policy is completely tied to the exchange rate objective.)

Sardar Vallabhai Patel Gandhiji, Nehru and Sardar Patel were responsible for giving direction to the destiny of the country.It may be qustions for Civils Mains 2016

The history of India would have been different had Sardar Patel not been the Deputy Prime Minister when India became independent in 1947. The triumvirate- Gandhiji, Nehru and Sardar Patel were responsible for giving direction to the destiny of the country. Sardar Patel consolidated the country into one united whole in a unique manner. 
 
Formative Years
    Born on October 31, 1875 at Nadiad, in the Kaira district of Gujarat, Vallabh Bhai Patel was the son of Zaverbhai Galabhai Patel , a Leva Patidar. This class of cultivators was known for their simple character, industrious habits and straightforward dealings. Vallabh Bhai possessed an ingenous mind as a school boy. He was a rebel whose exceptional organisational abilities were recognised by his schoolmates and teachers. Patel passed the matriculation examination from the Nadiad High School in 1897.
    Patel had two ambitions to fulfil , first to become a pleader and later a barrister. During those days a matriculate could become a lawyer by taking the pleaders examination. He became a pleader in 1900, and started practising in Godhra. In 1902 he shifted to Balsad, a taluka headquarter, where he practised as a criminal lawyer for nearly eight years, during which period he had built a name for himself as a most successful criminal lawyer. In 1910, he left for London and joined the Middle Temple, where he took an examination in Roman Law and stood first. He returned to India in 1913 and started practising as a barrister in Ahmedabad , fulfilling his second ambition. 
 
Gandhiji's Disciple
    The impact of Gandhiji's personality on Vallabhbhai was tremendous. It gave him a new mission in life. The Champaran struggle waged by Gandhiji had a sweeping effect on Patel's mind. In Gandhiji's Champaran victory Patel saw the beginning of a new agrarian revolution. His interest in politics had been kindled, as became abunduntly clear in the Provincial Political Conference organised by the Gujarat Sabha and presided by Gandhiji at Godhara. The conference appointed a permanent committee with Gandhiji as the President and Patel as one of the secretaries. He became a staunch follower of Gandhiji. From then on there was no looking back. Blessed with rare qualities of fortitude, integrity and an iron determination, Patel played an important role in the freedom movement. 
 
Indomitable Personality
    It was due to his sterling leadership and practical vision that the peasant movement in Gujarat became a success. It was in this struggle that the organisational capacity for which Sardar Patel was famous in the whole country became visible. He took over as the nascent nation's Home Minister at a very crucial juncture in history and devoted himself whole heartedly to ensure that the country which was already partitioned, remained intact and united. 
 
Building a Union
    On the eve of their departure, the British government announced that its paramountcy would lapse not only over the British territory but even over the native States . This meant that as many as 625 small and big native States would become independent like India and Pakistan. Consequently, the country would be divided into a number of small and big units.
    Before embarking on this mammoth task, Sardar sought to ensure the stability of administration by forging a bridge of faith and confidence with the"Steel Frame". Most of the I.C.S. officers suspected that the Congress leaders, particularly Sardar in view of his past experiences with them, would have no faith in the I.C.S. But Sardar rose to the occasion and reposed total trust in their capability to serve the nation. He was, thus, able to win their unstinted support in the endeavour of nation building.
    Attempts were afoot for finalising the standstill agreement with the States. It provided that the Central Government will be vested with powers of defence, foreign policy and communications even over the States. Travancore, Hyderabad and some other States declared themselves sovereign States and created hurdles in the agreement. On the other end, Jinnah with a view to tempt Jodhpur, Jaisalmer and other border States made them an unconditional offer to align with Pakistan on their terms. 
 
Political Sagacity
    To find an amicable solution to this complicated situation, Sardar issued a statement to the princes wherein he appealed to their sense of patriotism and reiterated that the new States department in no way, desire to have supremacy over them. "If at all, any sense of supremacy is required, it would be with common understanding and for common good. We are at a momentous stage in the history of India. By common endeavour, we can raise the country to new greatness, while lack of unity will expose us to unexpected calamities. I hope the Indian States will realise fully that if we do not cooperate and work together in the general interest, anarchy and chaos will overwhelm us all great and small, and lead us to total ruin". The statement which amply reflected his statesmanship and political sagacity, removed whatever doubts lurked in the minds of the princes.
    There was a popular agitation in Travancore and the State acceded to India. The Nawab of Bhopal could not take all this but when he realised that there was no alternative, he sent the instrument of accession duly signed to Sardar.
    A man of iron will and absolute fearlessness, Sardar Patel tackled the question of 550 and odd State territories and principalities in such a strategic manner which left even his wildest critics in complete amazement. Almost within a year he redrew the map of India with every princely State joining the Indian union and thus, forming part of the political stream of life that was endowed with cultural unity and harmony. 
 
Intricate Situation
    The intricacy of the situation can perhaps be gauged by the fact that there were 26 small States in Orissa and 15 in the Chattisgarh area of present Madhya Pradesh. It required skilful diplomacy on the part of Sardar Patel to persuade them to merge into bigger, more viable units. Even more ticklish was the case of Saurashtra where there were 14 big States, 119 small States and other units under different administrations totalling 860.
    The herculean task of merging all of them into the Saurashtra union was also accomplished by Sardar Patel. Soon, State after State started acceding to the Indian Union. One after the other, Gwalior, Indore, Dhar, Dewas all accepted the advice of Sardar. Rajputana States followed the same. The Sikhs of Punjab also cooperated with the merger.
    Even by August 15, Hyderabad kept aloof. Hence, Lord Mountbatten himself started negotiations. At one stage, it appeared that there was a settlement but Nizam found himself helpless against the pressures of Razakars. The Razakars started harassing the local public. Thus, when the situation went out of control, Sardar with the consent of the Governor General initiated police action. In 108 hours, the Nizam surrendered and Hyderabad acceded and merged with India. The Nawab of Junagadh accepted an accession with Pakistan. Sardar solved this complex problem in his own inimitable way and the Nawab and his Diwan left Junagadh for Pakistan.
    Thus, the 'Yagna' for establishment of a united India undertaken by Sardar was completed with the merger of Hyderabad. Politically, India became one and united. In the history of India stretched over ages, India became one and united for the first time and that too without shedding a drop of blood. That was the marvel of the personality of Sardar. The sterling qualities of leadership he had shown as leader of Satyagraha, flowered in greater way in the administration of the country, maintenance of law and order and ensuring stability of the country and making it invulnerable.
 * 123rd Birth Anniversary of Sardar Patel is being observed on October 31, 1

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Gandhi’s closest associates and wielded enormous influence within the Congress Party. But their worldviews differed widely, which reflected in their contrasting attempts to shape the trajectory of the freedom movement, the Indian constitution, issues related to integration of the reluctant princely states, and matters relating to combating communal violence.

Jawaharlal Nehru and Sardar Patel

Nehru admitted in a candid letter to Gandhi towards the end of the latter’s life that it was ‘true that there are not only temperamental differences between Sardar and me but also are differences in approach with regard to economic and communal matters’. The intensity of Nehru and Patel’s conflicting opinions were often matters of grave public speculation and embarrassment for the government. To undo the fallout of an apparent divide within the cabinet, both often had to resort to public airing of statements to the effect that they had abiding love and respect for each other. This has been taken at face value by some historians like Neerja Singh as proof of some ‘fundamental unity between the two’.

Such a hypothesis is however inadequate in explaining the everyday tensions which clouded their relationship. These tensions reached an acrimonious climax when Puroshottam Das Tandon supported by Patel defeated ‘Acharya’ J B Kriplani who had Nehru’s backing for the post of Congress President in 1950. The incident cannot be viewed in isolation and refutes the idea that no fundamental differences existed between the two men. Nehru’s revulsion of Tandon interestingly stemmed from his alleged “communal and revivalist outlook” while Patel found him to be only a ‘little pro-Hindu’.  There were also several other incidents in which Nehru and Patel threatened to quit their posts due to their sense of consternation in not being able to have their own way.

Patel also was subjected to unwarranted harassment by some of the Nehru’s female admirers. In his letter to Gandhi dated 7^th January 1947, an emotional Patel expressed dismay at Mridula Sarabhai who ‘ha(d) made it her pastime to heap abuses upon (him)’. Patel alleged that she ‘(was) indulging in a nauseating propaganda that (Patel) want(ed) to get rid of Jawaharlal and also found a new Party’.

Similarly, Padmaja Naidu hurled petty accusations at Patel. For instance, she complained to Nehru about the allegedly high expenses incurred on a reception for Patel in Hyderabad.  She also advocated that the Razakars, including those facing charges of complicity in various atrocities against Hindus, such as Mir Asghar Ali and Baquer Hussain Qureshi (they were accused of murdering several Hindus) be pardoned.  Patel found ‘no justification for her hysteria’ and sternly objected to her ill advised attempts to ‘interfere with the course of justice’. Moreover, he said the government had been pretty lenient in dealing with the Razakars since only ‘one sixth of those originally involved were facing trial’.

Manibehn, Patel’s daughter had also suspected Mridula Sarabhai and Padmaja Naidu conniving with Rafi Ahmed Kidwai to undermine her father’s position which adversely affected his health.  Whether such incidents had Nehru’s tacit consent is not known, although it is unlikely that he reprimanded his admirers for their misconduct.

It is true that despite their immense differences, both Nehru and Patel found a working relationship which endured till Patel’s death. But it was rendered possible in large measure by Patel’s deep sense of loyalty towards Gandhi, the Congress and the country. It is another matter that Gandhi promoted Nehru over Patel despite the latter enjoying the overwhelming confidence of the Congress Working Committee; an act which required truncation of inner party democracy. Nevertheless, Patel did not challenge Gandhi’s wisdom. Sarvepalli Gopal, Nehru’s rather sympathetic biographer, who was otherwise quite critical of Patel, conceded that Patel’s ‘stoic decency’ was a major factor which prevented a permanent schism between the two. Therefore, the fact that they had a decent working relationship and Patel’s acceptance of Nehru’s leadership does little to paper over the cracks.

After Patel’s demise, Nehru became the undisputed leader of the Congress party and ruled with an iron fist. The last semblance of internal democracy within the Congress had truly died with Patel.

The Enduring Relevance

Understanding the nature of differences between both the men is critical since these differences and their unsatisfactory resolution had lasting consequences in the making of post independent India. Unfortunately, this has received very little scrutiny.

The Nehru’s worldview can be understood through his voluminous writings on India and the world. Patel, on the other hand, was not even inclined to write an autobiography. The best source of understanding Patel remains his official correspondence and epistles which were released thanks to his daughter Manibehn. The Patel commemorative volumes include some of his public speeches which provide further insight into his personality. Contemporary memoirs like those by Balraj Krishna and V Shankar, Patel’s personal assistant provide another layer of historical evidence. One, rather overlooked historical source is the diaries of Manibehn who also served as his secretary and was privy to much of Patel’s inner world.

Differences in Economic Policy

Nehru and Patel’s economic views differed drastically. Nehru envisioned a socialist India with the ‘elimination of profit in society…With social service and cooperation taking place of competition’. Nehru replicated the Soviet planning commission and its Five Year Plans while severely restricting the scope of private enterprise. In the 1955 Avadi session of the Congress, Nehru pushed through a resolution for creating an economy on ‘a socialist pattern’. He stopped short of forceful redistribution because he felt there was just too little money, and perhaps tempered by the relative failure of the land reform and Bhoodan movements.

Patel on the other hand believed that capitalism could be ‘purged of its hideousness’. A native Gujarati raised under the influence of the Swaminarayan Hindu sect, he did not view the spirit of enterprise with disdain. For him, creation of wealth for ushering in societal prosperity was a desirable trait. He was unfairly charged of being in cahoots with capitalists such as GD Birla, to which he responded by stating that he enjoyed no personal property and that he considered friendship towards all irrespective of their creed or class his duty.

He also emphatically denied the inevitability of class struggle which was an article of faith for the Marxists. It was Patel who was instrumental in purging Nehru’s call for socialism from official Congress resolutions. In his minute ‘regarding the economic situation of the country’, Patel affirmed his faith in the capitalists, industrialists and economists who ‘when approached in the right manner’ offered promising prospects for both production and just remuneration for labour. Had Patel lived longer, it is doubtful if Nehru could have thrust his socialist agenda on the Indian economy.

Differences in Foreign Policy

Nehru and Patel’s foreign policies too were fundamentally opposed. Patel rightly questioned the legitimacy of India’s policy in delaying recognition to the state of Israel only to placate the sentiments of its Muslim citizens. He was also perturbed by the approach of Nehru towards the Chinese and was deeply anguished in India being unable to defend the right of the Tibetan people who had reposed ‘faith in us, who chose to be guided by us’ but who became victims to Chinese ‘perfidy’. Patel presciently warned Nehru that ‘while we regard the Chinese as friends, they do not regard us as their friends’.

In reply to Patel’s letter which should have set alarm bells ringing, Nehru with his magnanimous internationalist outlook remarked that the Chinese occupation of Tibet was a foregone conclusion and that it was unlikely that any power on earth could halt the march of the Red Army. Nevertheless, the Tibetan people had no reason for trepidation since Tibet’s ‘unique geography, terrain and climate’ would ensure that a ‘large measure of autonomy is indeed inevitable’.

As for an Indo-China military conflict, Nehru confidently predicted that such a situation was ‘unlikely’ in the ‘foreseeable future’. Nehru ‘rule(d) out any major attack on India by China’. Moreover, he rejected Patel’s advice of modernizing the army and making adequate security provisions since it would ‘cast an intolerable burden on us, economic or otherwise and it would weaken our general defence position’. Nehru’s brief tryst with disarmament was a disaster. The fate of Tibet and India’s China war can be attributed to Nehru’s lack of foresight, his reluctance to heed to the warnings of his peers, and ultimately his grave pretensions.

With regards to Pakistan, Nehru and Patel’s disagreements were further accentuated. Gandhi himself was a key player against Patel in this drama. He went on an indefinite fast in protest against Patel withholding the payment of Rs 55 crore to Pakistan. Patel had judiciously deferred payment until the issue of Kashmir and its Hindu minorities was resolved to the satisfaction of all stakeholders. India was under no obligation to pay the entire sum all at once. However, Gandhi’s fastidiousness and his failing health compelled Patel to yield to his demands.

The disagreements with Nehru on the Kashmir issue have not found sufficient attention since Patel had deferred to Nehru’s wishes in not interfering in Kashmir. Nehru’s ‘genius’ in handling the Kashmir issue allowed the state to maintain an Islamic identity. Nehruvian apologists were quick to tarnish the name of the liberal but Hindu Maharaja Hari Singh, the ruler of Kashmir valley for his alleged procrastination in signing the instrument of accession to India. However, nothing could be further from the truth.

For it was Nehru’s precondition that the Maharaja could accede to India only by first transferring power to Sheikh Abdullah, a man, who by no stretch of imagination represented Hindu or Sikh populations, and even among Muslims of the entire valley it was doubtful if his popularity exceeded that of the Maharaja, even in the highly vitiated and communalized atmosphere to which Abdullah’s demagoguery had contributed in no small measure. However, for Nehru, as Harmans Singh states, ‘Sheikh Abdullah was the key to first exposing the fallacy of the two nation theory and then establishing the secular credentials of new India’.

Nehru was also guilty of taking the Kashmir issue into the UN and internationalizing it only for the sake of enhancing his personal esteem in Western eyes. Moreover, the promise of a plebiscite was also entirely unwarranted. Again, it was left to Patel to save the day. General Sam Manekshaw who was a colonel during the first Indo-Pak war of 1948 was privy to how Nehru was seized with indecision until an infuriated Patel himself passed the order to carry Indian troops through air which prevented the fall of Srinagar and redeemed the situation. Later, Patel confessed to Baxi Ghulam Mohammad that he was unable to resolve the Kashmir problem since he did not enjoy Nehru’s confidence.

The integration of the state of Hyderabad was also problematic for Nehru because the ruler of the province, the Nizam, was a Muslim. The Nizam’s predominantly Hindu subjects suffered at the hands of Razakars, the local militia, who wanted Hyderabad to remain an Islamic state outside the Union of India. But Patel’s intervention through police action broke the Razakars’ back. Contemporaries such as NG Ranga however suggest that the deployment of force was delayed due to Nehru’s insistence.

Differences on Communalism

Perhaps, the most irreconcilable differences between Nehru and Patel related to their approach towards countering communalism and the violence that came in its wake. In the elections to the Central Legislative Assembly, and later the provinces, the Congress and the Muslim League emerged as the two major parties. The Muslim league secured 86.6% of the vote of the Muslim electorate with many pro-India nationalist Muslim candidates losing their deposits. It is true that the electorate did not comprise of universal adult franchise but it is doubtful if its application would have drastically altered the results for either the Congress or the League.

However, post partition it was found India would be home to more Muslims than even Pakistan while large Hindu minorities were left behind in East and West Pakistan. The difference was solely that while the Hindus opposed partition by voting the Congress, most of the Muslim electorate by voting for the Muslim League had supported partition although they later discovered the wisdom to remain in India.

Nehru’s policy of combating communalism rested on positioning himself as the paramount defender of Muslim interests while Hindu communal organizations like the RSS and the Hindu Mahasabha had to be eliminated from public life. It did not matter that organizations like RSS were responsible for the safety of thousands of Hindus and Sikhs in certain riot torn areas of Pakistan.

Patel, on the other hand, had a far more nuanced, just and pragmatic view of the situation. He was frank in admitting that the root cause of communal violence in India was the continued pogroms directed against Hindus in Pakistan, East and West. Patel was absolutely committed to securing the lives and property of Indian Muslims. For instance, at the Panthic Conference on 22th October 1947 at Patiala, Patel urged the Sikh community to refrain from shedding of innocent blood and eschewing all ideas of retaliation.

He was unequivocally transparent in subscribing to the adage of full protection for minorities. Nevertheless, he could not, unlike Nehru, remain oblivious to the plight of Hindus in Pakistan. The Indian government was morally obliged to protect Hindus throughout the domain of undivided India but this fact ostensibly did not register with Nehru for whom secularism simply meant a legislative principle of protecting only the minority who subsisted within the newly crafted Indian borders. After 1950 when the Citizenship Act was enacted, Nehru also perhaps believed that his obligation remained only towards Indian citizens irrespective of the paradox that many of those who had reposed faith in the Congress were being deprived of Indian citizenship while many of those who opposed the Congress were rewarded with Indian citizenship.

In stark contrast, Manibehn had observed her father of ‘worrying day and night’over the perils which awaited the Hindus in East Bengal, possibly not unlike those in the Pakistani provinces of ‘Sindh, Punjab, Baluchistan and Frontier’ where Hindus were on the verge of being history. Patel was deeply anguished at the fate which had befallen those unfortunate Hindu women in Pakistan who were kidnapped, raped and forcibly converted by Islamic fundamentalists.

Nehru, in another dubious gesture of friendship towards Pakistan, scripted the Nehru-Liaquat Pact with Pakistan in 1950 which avowed that each country would ensure the safety of its religious minorities without interfering with each other’s domestic domains, in essence a “no war” pact. The pious sentiments expressed in the pact were not worth the paper they were scripted upon, for the Pakistani government had been instrumental in allowing the continuing persecution of Hindus who, forget special rights and privileges, did not enjoy even equal citizenship rights at par with Muslims. The fact remains that if Nehru was genuinely concerned and sincere in making of the pact, he should have ensured Hindu minorities of Pakistan were conferred the same rights and privileges which Indian Muslims enjoyed but he was nonchalant to such concerns. Shyama Prasad Mukherjee disgusted with Nehru’s duplicity resigned in protest from his cabinet.

Patel also completely disapproved of Nehru in principle but his failing health forced him to cave in to his pressure and even compelled to peddle the pact among the Bengalis. However, he maintained that if the persecution of Hindus continued in East Bengal, then Pakistan would be forced to cede a share of territory sufficient enough to accommodate and rehabilitate the Hindu refugees. Nehru vetoed the move on the ground that the migration of Hindus taking place was merely due to “deteriorating economic conditions

.

Historian Ramachandra Guha similarly wants us to believe that the flight of Hindus from Pakistan was merely a result of dissatisfaction from subsisting in Muslim majority territor. Although, at another time, Nehru admitted that Hindus were ‘terrified’ of living in Pakistan but immediately qualified with a specious generalization that there was ‘hardly a Muslim in Bengal or even Delhi who has a sense of safety’. Nehru’s act of abandoning Pakistani Hindus to the mercy of their Islamic tormentors is probably the only instance in the contemporary world where the head of state of a larger and more powerful nation submitted its prestige and dignity of its people only to gratify his personal and peculiar political agenda.

Patel believed in the principle of determined action for protection of minorities even at the risk of precipitating military conflict with Pakistan. Nehru believed that averting war was more important, even if it meant making unilateral concessions to Pakistan. This flawed generosity or rather appeasement was subject to exploitation by Pakistan. In fact, Nehru did not really avert wars, he merely deferred them.

With regards to the Muslim minority, Nehru was averse to the idea of suspecting the presence of any fifth columnists among them. However, the reality of partition through the ballot could not be ignored by Patel. In his infamous Lucknow speech, Patel cautioned separatists among the Muslims that mere declaration of loyalty would not do, but ‘practicable proof of their declarations’ was the need of the hour. This speech was reported by the Muslims to Gandhi who severely reprimanded Patel for doubting the loyalty of Indian Muslims.

Nehru was very keen to conscribe the ‘communal’ activities of the RSS and the Mahasabha. The assassination of Mahatma Gandhi gave him the perfect opportunity. It was a difficult time for Patel too as he almost resigned when he discovered insinuations being leveled against him charging him with deliberating being lax on Gandhi’s security, although the searching and frisking of visitors to his prayer meetings was disallowed by Gandhi himself. Nehru did concede that of “A large number of RSS men have been arrested, probably many of them more or less innocent but this naked violation of civil liberties did not upset his ‘liberal’ sensitivities. Nehru further believed in teaching the RSS a lesson since there was ‘a widespread impression in England ‘that they (RSS) are fascist, communal minded people and any action we take in regard to them will be considered from this point of view’.

Patel on the other hand, at a time of great personal upheaval and sense of loss, did not lose track of the need for upholding justice and avoiding vendetta. Although, initially, he too believed that the RSS and the Mahasabha were responsible for creating the conditions which led to Gandhi’s murder, he allowed an independent investigation without prejudicing it with his or Nehru’s beliefs. Later, RSS received a clean chit as it was not involved in the assassination of Gandhi.Similarly, with regards to the Hindu Mahasabha, Patel agreed that the organization was not involved in the conspiracy. True to his self, he did not sacrifice any innocent men at the altar of political opportunism for the sole purpose of boosting his secular credentials.

Patel’s lasting contribution was protecting the Indian constitution from the ogre of communal electorates. The Minto-Morley reform introduced communal electorates in 1909 and provided the seeds of political legitimacy for a separate Islamic homeland. The attempt by certain Muslim members of the constituent assembly to surreptitiously introduce communal electorates ostensibly as a token of affection on the part of the Hindus for the Muslim minorities was nipped in the bud by Patel who curtly told Nehru of his ‘refus(al) to accept, any communal reservations which are in the nature of a concession to a militant minority’. However, Rafiq Zakaria had contended that Patel was instrumental in attaching the word “propagation” in Article 25, and enactment of article 29 and 30 which granted exclusive cultural and educational rights for minorities. We do not find any evidence for the same.

The Nehruvian Paradox: The Twilight of the Secular State

The Marxist historian Romila Thapar reminds us that the reconstruction of the Somnatha Temple was carried out as a private venture through an independent trust and did not involve ‘sponsorship of the government’ which upheld its secular character. What she fails to inform is that the activity also involved a relocation of a mosque built there to a place nearby. Nehru had actually denied K M Munshi’s request on the grounds that a secular government could not engage in religious activity. Patel suggested the creation of a private trust with Munshi as a member to initiate the activity. Nehru never fully reconciled with this act of insubordination and also advised the president Rajendra Prasad against attending the temple’s inauguration claiming such an act was against India’s secular ideals.

Nevertheless, Nehru was instrumental in passage of the Haj Committee Act in 1959. The adage of Islamic exceptionalism meant that the ideals of the secular state were immaterial and inapplicable in this case. The sanctimonious nature of Nehru’s secularism did not find the annual utilization of crores of public money for a religious pilgrimage benefiting at best merely a tenth of its population antithetical to India’s secular ideals.

To Nehru the view of the Hindu orthodoxy was irrelevant and debarred from influencing policy making, while Muslim exceptionalism was granted an honourable place in issues of governance.

Patel’s name had long fallen into disuse by carefully crafted and wilful neglect until attempts by Narendra Modi to resurrect his memory and pay homage to his grand contributions in unifying India’s 500 odd princely states through creation of a ‘statue of unity’, His action was panned by ‘secularist’ commentators as attempts to appropriate Patel and his legacy. The ‘secular’ rhetoric could not admit that it was impossible for the Congress to derive political capital out of a man whose life was the fulfilment of a Nehruvian counter-position in all spheres of public life and policy. Therefore, in life Patel was painted as ‘an enemy of the Muslims’.

Several leftist commentators persisted in a defamation campaign against Patel even in his death. For instance, New Age, a left wing daily published during Indira Gandhi’s early reign indulged in the calumny of dubbing Patel as “a die-hard reactionary, given to even communalism and chauvinism” and that he was “a drag on Nehru”.  

The differences between Nehru and Patel represent two competing worldviews. Nehru’s shaped India’s destiny for a bulk of its independent history. If Patel’s worldview gains currency, and eventually triumphs, India could well be on its way to fulfil its true potential.

Zika Virus

Zika virus disease has local transmission in 41 countries during 2015-16, mainly involving Latin America. World Health Organization (WHO) has declared Zika virus disease to be a Public Health Emergency of International Concern (PHEIC) on 1st February, 2016. 

Aedes mosquito which transmits Zika virus disease is widely prevalent in tropical and sub-tropical areas of the Americas, South East Asia, Africa, Eastern Mediterranean and the Western Pacific. WHO has informed that Zika virus is likely to be transmitted and detected in countries within the geographical range of the vector Aedes mosquito. 

Technical guidelines and travel advisory were issued and disseminated and also made available on the website of the Ministry. States where Dengue transmission is on, namely Maharashtra, Kerala, Tamil Nadu and UT of Puducherry have been alerted. National Centre for Disease Control (NCDC), Delhi has been identified as the nodal agency for investigation of outbreak in any part of the country. Fifteen International Airports and nine major ports have displayed signages providing information for travelers on Zika virus disease and advising the travelers to report if they are returning from any of the affected countries and suffering from febrile illness. Immigration authorities at these Airports have been sensitized. Directorate General of Civil Aviation, Ministry of Civil Aviation has issued instruction to all international airlines to follow the recommended aircraft disinsection guidelines. Vector control measures have been implemented at International Airports and Ports. National Centre for Disease Control, Delhi and National Institute of Virology (NIV), Pune, have established the capacity to provide laboratory diagnosis of Zika virus disease in acute febrile stage. National Vector Borne Disease Control Programme has alerted all its field units for enhanced vector (Aedes mosquitoes) control. National AIDS Control Organization has issued advisory for blood banks and potential blood donors to prevent transmission of Zika virus infection by blood transfusion. A 24x7 control room cum Help Line has started functioning from Directorate General of Health Services. Public has been made aware about Zika virus disease through press releases issued by Ministry of Health and Family Welfare. The situation is being monitored regularly. 

There is no specific treatment for Zika virus Disease. People affected with Zika virus are advised to take plenty of rest, drink enough fluids, and treat pain and fever with paracetamol. They are also advised to take personal protective measures against mosquito bite. 

Green Economy Air Pollution

The concept of green economy lacks an internationally agreed definition or universal principles. The Rio + 20 outcome document identifies green economy in the context of sustainable development and poverty eradication and it affirms that approach will be different in accordance with the national circumstances and priorities for each country. Accordingly, green economy in India is seen in the context of sustainable development and inclusive economic growth including poverty eradication. The Government endeavors to address all the three dimensions of sustainable development (social, economic and environmental) in a balanced manner. 

One of the objectives of the Paris Agreement on Climate Change is to hold the increase in global average temperature to well below 2 °C above pre industrial levels and to pursue efforts to limit temperature increase to 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels, recognizing that this would significantly reduce the risks and impacts of climate change. The Agreement also talks about reaching the global peaking of emissions by the second half of the century, recognizing that peaking will take longer for developing country Parties. 


The complaints mostly relate to phasing out of diesel vehicles direction of NGT in context with phasing out of 10 year old diesel vehicles in Delhi/NCR, price differential between diesel and gasoline fuel, technologies for reducing emissions from diesel vehicles, etc. 

The Emission standards are notified by Ministry of Road Transport and Highways (MoRTH) under the provisions of Motor Vehicles Act, 1989. There are separate sets of emission norms applicable for diesel and gasoline vehicles. Presently, BS - IV emission norms are applicable for 63 cities. Recently, the Government has finalised leapfrogging to Bharat Stage VI (BS-VI) mass emission norms by 1st April, 2020 and released draft notification on 19th February, 2016 to this effect. It is estimated that investment requirement for gasoline works out to be about 20,000 crore and for diesel, it is estimated to be 60,000 crore as per Auto-Fuel Vision and Policy - 2025. 

The compliance of emission norms for new vehicles are ensured through Type Approval testing of the new vehicles at the certified testing centres. Once a Type Approval Certificate is issued, then only a particular model of a vehicle is allowed to ply on the roads. Conformity of Production (CoP) testing is also done on new vehicles to ensure compliance. State/UT Governments are responsible for implementation of notified emission norms. The compliance of emission from in-use vehicles is done through Pollution Under Control Testing (PUC) carried out at the PUC centres authorized by State Transport Departments. Possession of a valid PUC certificate is a requirement for a vehicle to ply on roads
Air Pollution : 
The Government has notified National Ambient Air Quality Standards envisaging 12 pollutants to control air pollution under the Environment (Protection) Act, 1986. These norms have been formulated to adopt uniform methodology for measurement of air pollutants with the help of network of 612 monitoring stations set up across the country. The Government has also notified emission standards for on-road vehicles and mass emission standards for new vehicles under the Motor Vehicles Act, 1988. The same are enforced by Transport Departments of the State Governments through Pollution Under Control (PUC) regime. Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB) has set up a mechanism called ‘Environmental Surveillance Squad’ (ESS) programme for carrying out surprise inspections of industrial units based on adoption of a uniform approach and elimination of subjectivity in scheduling of inspection. The role of State Pollution Control Boards / Pollution Control Committees is critical in enforcing the provisions of the Environment (Protection) Act, 1986, Water (Prevention and Control of Pollution) Act, 1974 and the Air (Prevention and Control of Pollution) Act, 1981. 

The steps taken by the Government to mitigate air pollution in cities in the country include the following:- 

(i) Notification of National Ambient Air Quality Standards envisaging 12 pollutants; 

(ii) Formulation of environmental regulations / statutes; 

(iii) Setting up of monitoring network for assessment of ambient air quality; 

(iv) Introduction of cleaner / alternate fuels like gaseous fuel, ethanol blend etc. replacing petrol and diesel; 

(v) Promotion of cleaner production processes; 

Taking note of the gravity of Air Pollution, the Government has taken some more measures, which include: 

(i) Launched National Air Quality index by the Prime Minister in April, 2015 starting with 10 cities and now extended to 23 cities; 

(ii) Implementation of Bharat Stage IV (BS-IV) norms in 63 selected cities and universalization of BS-IV by 2017; 

(iii) Decision taken to leapfrog directly from BS-IV to BS-VI fuel standards by 1st April, 2020; 

(iv) Comprehensive review of all Waste Management Rules including Municipal Solid Waste, Plastic Waste, Hazardous Waste, Bio-medical Waste and Electronic Waste. 

(v) Ban on burning of leaves, biomass, municipal solid waste; 

(vi) Promotion of public transport network of metro, buses, e-rickshaws and promotion of car pooling, Pollution Under Control, lane discipline, vehicle maintenance; 

(vii) Revision of existing environmental standards and formulation of new standards for prevention and control of pollution from industries. 

(viii) Regular co-ordination meetings at official and ministerial level with Delhi and other State Governments within the NCR. 

(ix) Issuance of directions under Section 5 of Environment (Protection) Act, 1986 and under Section 18(1)(b) of Water (Prevention and Control of Pollution) Act, 1974 and Air (Prevention and Control of Pollution) Act, 1981. 

(x) Installation of on-line continuous (24x7) monitoring devices by major industries

Intolerable that in this day and age women still being exposed to barbaric brutality and violence

We must remind ourselves most emphatically and as often as we can, that every member of our society male or female has, equally, the right to live in security, peace and dignity. It is intolerable that in this day and age, women are still being exposed to barbaric brutality and violence because they are women. Violence or fear of violence reduces the freedom and development of everyone, particularly our women and children. But more than that, it diminishes our society when it allows such inhuman treatment of its women rather than guarantee their safety, security and equal rights. On this day, let us all, Government, civil society and public at large, pledge to work together for developing relevant legal, administrative and other measures to ensure the safety and security of our mothers and sisters. 

The President said the minds of our women should be empowered. The mind sets of our people must evolve. They must realise that it is in society’s own interest to create the conditions for their women to freely exercise choices at home and in the workplace without restrictions or fear. Gender equality is a key driver for inclusive economic growth and social progression. A greater focus on women’s access to resources and control over these resources and more emphasis on improving the health and nutrition of girls and women is a vital necessity. Improving women’s health raises productivity within families and communities and sets the standards for future generations. 

The President said community programmes for efficient implementation of Government policy have proven to be among the best instruments for the broadest outreach. He was glad to know that the Ministry of Women and Child Development has conceived a Village Convergence and Facilitation Services programme at Gram Panchayat level. He expressed confidence that the BetiBachaoBetiPadhao programme will be successful in addressing malnutrition, maternal mortality and bridging gaps to improve the status of women in our society. 

The President said the best practices for the development of women - that have worked well at the grassroots in States and Union Territories should be adopted and up-scaled in Government of India schemes. The key - and urgent - priority is to develop a comprehensive approach to the holistic empowerment of women. An effective convergence of all elements – social, economic or political – could serve to facilitate this. Quoting Swami Vivekananda, the President said, “The best thermometer to the progress of a nation is its treatment of its women”,and“All nations have attained greatness by paying proper respect to women. That country and that nation which do not respect women have never become great, nor ever will be in future.” 

Inter-linking of Rivers

The inter-linking of rivers is considered to be essential for addressing the twin problems of water scarcity and flooding in the country. Interlinking of River (ILR) Programme has therefore, been taken up on a high priority. This Ministry has formulated a National Perspective Plan for water resources development envisaging interbasin transfer of water in the Country. The projects under the ILR Programme are at various stages of planning. NWDA has identified 30 links (16 under Peninsular Component & 14 under Himalayan Component) for preparation of Feasibility Reports. After survey and investigations feasibility Reports of 14 links under Peninsular Component and two links in the Himalayan components have been prepared. The DPRs of Ken-Betwa Phase I & II, Daman-Ganga-Pinjal, Par-Tapi-Narmada have been prepared and shared with the States.   Pre-Feasibility Reports of 36 Intra-State link proposals out of 46 proposals of Intra-State links have also been completed.

These DPRs are at various stages of approval.  The in-principle approval of the Standing Committee of the National Wild Life Board has been received for the Ken-Betwa link Project.  The Government is planning to start implementing this National Project as a model link project of ILR programme, which will benefit the drought prone areas of Bundel Khand region in Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh.

However, the total expenditure likely to be incurred on inter-linking of rivers can only be known after completion of all individual Detailed Project Reports. As per DPR, the estimated cost of Ken-Betwa Link Project Phase-I and Phase-II are about Rs. 18057.08 crores (2015-16 price level) and about Rs.2282.94 crores (2012-13 price level) respectively. The estimated cost of Damanganga-Pinjal Link Project is about Rs.3008 crores (2015-16 price level). The estimated cost of Par – Tapi – Narmada Link project is Rs. 9279 Crore (at 2014-15 price level). 

In order to speed up the implementation of Inter-Linking of River Programme and to arrive at a consensus on the link proposals between the States, a ‘Special Committee for Interlinking of Rivers’, has been constituted by this  Ministry in September, 2014. Ten meetings of the Special Committee for Interlinking of Rivers (ILR) have been held so far, wherein State Irrigation/ Water Resources Ministers along with the Secretaries of various States attended the meetings. The Committee after considering the views of all the stakeholders is taking all necessary steps for expediting the objectives of interlinking of rivers programme as per terms of reference of the Committee.

Steps taken for Road Safety

Ministry of Road Transport & Highways have drafted a Motor Vehicle (Amendment) Bill, 2016 covering the entire gamut of issues related to motor vehicles and road safety including higher compensation for the road accident victims. The Ministry of Road Transport and Highways has taken a number of steps to prevent road accidents as per details mentioned under: 

i. The Government has approved a National Road Safety Policy. This Policy outlines various policy measures such as promoting awareness, encouraging safer road infrastructure including application of intelligent transport, enforcement of safety laws trauma care etc. 

ii. The Government has constituted the National Road Safety Council as the apex body to take policy decisions in matters of road safety. 

iii. The Ministry has requested all States/UTs for setting up of State Road Safety Council and District Road Safety Committees, and to hold their meetings regularly. 

iv. The Ministry has formulated a multi-pronged strategy to address the issue of road safety based on 4 ‘E’s viz. Education, Engineering (both of roads and vehicles), Enforcement and Emergency Care. Based on this, a draft action plan has been shared with the states. 

v. Road safety has been made an integral part of road design at planning stage. 

vi. Road Safety Audit of selected stretches of National Highways has been taken up. 

vii. High priority has been accorded to identification and rectification of black spots (accident prone spots) on national highways. Around 700 such black spots have been identified for improvement. 

viii. The threshold for four Laning of national highway has been reduced from 15,000 Passenger Car Units (PCUs) to 10,000 PCUs. About 52,000 Km of stretches of State Highways has been identified for conversion to national highways. 

ix. Setting up of model driving training institutes in States and refresher training to drivers of Heavy Motor Vehicle in the unorganized sector. 

x. Advocacy/Publicity campaign on road safety through the electronic and print media. xi. Tightening of safety standards for vehicles like Seat Belts, Power-steering, anti-lock braking system etc. 

xii. Providing cranes and ambulances to various State Governments under the National Highway Accident Relief Service Scheme for development on National Highways. National Highways Authority of India also provides ambulances at a distance of 50 Km. on each of its completed stretches of National Highways under its Operation & Maintenance contracts. 

xiii. Launch of pilot projects for providing cashless treatment of road accident victims on Gurgaon – Jaipur, Vadodara – Mumbai stretch of National Highways No. 8 and Ranchi – Rargaon - Mahulia stretch of National Highway No. 33. 

Programmes for Development of Handloom Sector

The Government of India is implementing following schemes/programmes for development of handloom sector and welfare of handloom weavers throughout the country:

1. National Handloom Development Programme.
2. Handloom Weavers’ Comprehensive Welfare Scheme.
3. Yarn Supply Scheme
4. Comprehensive Handloom Cluster Development Scheme.

National Handloom Development Programme (NHDP) implemented during the 12^th Plan period provides for comprehensive interventions for cluster development, marketing assistance, concessional credit etc. The guidelines of National Handloom Development Programme (NHDP)/ Comprehensive Handloom Cluster Development Scheme (CHCDS) was amended in June/August, 2015 to include Block level cluster approach, which provides more flexibility with higher funding by Government of India, discontinuation of the State financial contribution, direct release of funds to Implementing Agency, direct transfer of funds in the block with a maximum assistance of upto Rs.2.00 crore for various interventions such as setting up of Common Facility Centre (CFC) including Common Service Centre (CSC), engagement of textile designer-cum-marketing executive, construction of workshed,  appointment of Cluster Development Executive (CDE), technological up-gradation, lighting units, skill up-gradation, better looms and accessories, etc.  Besides, financial assistance of upto Rs.50.00 lakh is available for setting up of dye house at district level.